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Memorial Day Cookout

Don’t forget, this monday is Memorial Day, and we’ll change our regular monday night meeting into a cookout on the ballfield out front of the church. We’ll grill burgers and dogs… but if anyone wants to bring a side dish or any other food item, that would be great! Spread the word… Also, if you recently finished a year of school, I’d like to have a time where we share with each other the things we saw the Lord do around us/with us/through during the school year. So think about it and put some thoughts together… See you there…

“When all the facts are known…”

A while ago I put up a post called Why say the Bible is Inerrant? Nic Pezzato left this comment on that post:

I would…suggest that the terms “infallible” and “inerrant” probably have a different working definition for the scholar than to the layman’s vernacular. I wish that someone would give us a “blue-collar” phrase to answer the question “does the Bible have mistakes in it?”

I’ve been meaning to get back to this topic since then. It’s so important it will be worth returning to again and again. So here’s an attempt to answer Nic’s request:

“Whatever the holy, unerring, and faithful Father speaks is–by virtue of having come from Him–holy, unerring, and faithful.” (That quote is from a guy named Michael Horton.)

Or here’s John Frame:

inerrant means, simply, ‘without error.’ I would say that Scripture is both inerrant and infallible. It is inerrant because it is infallible. There are no errors because there can be no errors in the divine speech.”

Or here’s a longer look at it:

“Inerrancy means that when all facts are know, the Scriptures in their original autographs and properly interpreted will be shown to be wholly true in everything they affirm, whether that has to do with doctrine or morality or with the social, physical, or life sciences.” With the expression “when all the facts are known,” [Paul] Feinberg adds an eschatological note to the doctrine of biblical inerrancy. The doctrine does not require all difficulties to be settled immediately. It is just conceivable that in any particular case of difficulty all the relevant facts are not yet known. Once again, the warning is not to declare the question settled too quickly – in one direction or another. However, this eschatological perspective takes us further. Scripture plays a role in the larger purposes of God, which reach their fulfillment only in the eschaton. It is possible to become myopic, to lose all sense of proportion and give the impression that everything depends upon the resolution of all biblical difficulties in the present. This has never been a part of classical expositions of the doctrine. The early church fathers, the Reformers, and later staunch defenders of inerrancy such as B.B. Warfield all recognized difficulties that were resistant to an easy solution.

–Mark Thompson, “The Divine Investment in Truth” from Do Historical Matters Matter to Faith?

Did the Church Persecute Galileo? Conclusions and Observations

Kirsten Birkett helps us apply Galileo’s story to our day. First, she makes a great obsdervation–that the Protestant reaction to Galileo’s ideas shows how much this whole thing was about the politics of the Roman Catholic church linked up with Aristotelian scientists:

One aspect of the ‘Christianity versus science’ caricature of the Galileo debate is frequently overlooked. That is, we have seen above was not Christianity opposing anything; it was the story of the Catholic church, egged on by Aristotelian scholars, opposing Galileo. What happened when Protestants came across the Copernican theory gives a wider context. There was no widespread horror or outcry against Copernicanism in Protestant countries. It was accepted for what it was: an astronomical theory, of little interest to theologians, but with some technical points to recommend it to astronomers. It was not something to cause a great reaction…Those who took the trouble to study Copernicanism were inclined to be mildly in favour of it, if anything. Melancthon, who was responsible for widespread educational reform in Protestant Germany, encouraged astronomy and lectured on Copernicanism…It was possible for a member of a Protestant country to be far more enthusiastic—as was Rheticus, the German scholar who was ‘converted’ to Copernicanism with as much zeal as he gave to religion. Though he did not have many followers, he was certainly not persecuted for his ideas, and indeed continued in a respectable academic career. Later, even during the period of Galileo’s trial, the German Kepler was free to pursue his discovery of the elliptical orbits of the planets which laid the groundwork for Newton’s massive consolidation.

We do…need to widen our focus from Galileo and the Catholic church if we are to make any conclusions about ‘Christianity and science’. The Protestant reaction provides an necessary counterpoint to Galileo’s condemnation. It is not that Protestantism necessarily had a doctrinal bias towards believing that the earth moved; but if a Protestant did wish to accept and defend Copernican theory, he generally had freedom to do so. Without the strict censorship of the Catholic church, Protestant countries were ones in which information was more easily disseminated and new ideas more likely to find a hearing. Protestantism, with its fundamental tenet of individual interpretation of the Bible, did not develop in its institutions the level of control that characterised the Catholic church. Indeed, after Copernicanism had been defended by the Catholic church the story was spread far and wide in Protestant polemic against repressive Catholic institutions. All these factors gave Protestant countries an intellectual climate which could be more accepting of Copernicanism than otherwise.

Finally, Birkett makes these excellent observations, worth reading for anyone who’s engaging people in intellectual discussions on these matters today.

There is a lesson for Christians to learn from the Galileo story; one which is not often recognised. Christians should never allow Christianity to be tied to a secular system of thought. Aristotelianism was very attractive and convincing as an intellectual system, and it gave Christianity a great intellectual “boost when the two were “reconciled”; but Aristotelianism was not Christian, and Christianity should never had been made to depend upon it. The great Aristotelian synthesis left medieval Christianity irrevocably tied to an ultimately flaulty philosphy. By the time the flaws in the system were demonstrated, the upholders of the system that was presumed to be Christian were so steeped in Aristotelianism they were unable to cope with the changes. The result was thaty Christianity was discredited for something that had nothing to do with it.

 The same danger lies before us with modern science. Modern empirical science is an excellent route to knowledge about our physical universe, and most likely a lot of what it promotes is true. The Bible stands independent of that and should not be tied to it. Empirical science is a system which is only ever probably true—deliberately so—for by nature it must allow itself to be open to constant revision in the light of new evidence. Science advances by rejection of the old under scrutiny of the new. That is the strength and real value of scientific knowledge.

Christianity, if it really is based on infallible revelation from God, does not need to attach itself to that system and does so at its own peril. There is nothing wrong with demonstrating that any particular scientific theory is compatible with Biblical revelation, but such a demonstration does not prove the Bible true and should never be made the grounds for accepting Biblical truth. In time, the scientific theory will change. Christians must recognise the limits of revealed knowledge, and not connect it to knowledge which is constantly under revision. That is the path to ridicule and disillusionment, when the science moves on and Christians are left behind.

 The Galileo affair was not an example of Christianity against science. Christianity is not irrevocably tied to a geocentric universe and should never have been stretched to fit an intellectual system in which it appeared that way. The Catholic church was wrong to condemn Galileo, and has certainly suffered in adverse publicity ever since. It is rather unfair, however, that religion per se is criticized for an incident which was about political necessities and personal grudges far more than it was anything to do with religious issues. The dogmatism which opposed Galileo’s innovative science was the dogmatism of the universities, of Aristotelian philosophy which had reigned for centuries and bolstered the intellectual establishment. The theologians who condemned Copernicanism were wrong, but the inflexible opposition to freedom of thought was not theirs.

Yet now Galileo has become an icon of a modern dogmatism which insists on a war between science and religion, not for any sound intellectual reason but because it suits a modern ideology. If there are historical reasons to propose an inherent clash between science and Christianity, they are not found in Galileo’s trial. It is to be hoped that as the mantle of propaganda is lifted from historical truth—as has been done in this century’s scholarship on Galileo—that the debate will lose some of its partisan distortion.

I’ll end with this: In no way do I mean this to be “provocative,” but as I was reading thisfinal section of the article, I couldn’t help imagining that it was written a hundred years in the future, and every time I read “Aristotelianism,” I couldn’t help but imagine “Darwinianism” in its place. Just some food for thought.

Did the Church Persecute Galileo? A Discussion of Science & Faith, Part 8

In the last two couple in this series we’ll wrap up Galileo’s story and see what lessons there are in it for us today.  Last time, we left Galileo before the Inquisition, in 1616. Kirsten Birkett explains how the trial went:

All that the theologians saw, it seems, was yet another challenge to church authority by an isolated troublemaker. It would be nipped in the bud. Copernicus’ book was condemned, and Galileo was told not to hold or defend the theory. Galileo himself was not officially mentioned in any condemnation, nor was he disciplined, probably due to his powerful court connections.

For the time being, it was over. Galileo had been silenced—but not discredited or humiliated, which is probably what his opponents wanted. Nevertheless it was for his opponents a victory of sorts. In the battle of new science against old science, at this stage old science had won. The Aristotelians who were not convinced about Copernicanism on scientific grounds, who had failed (due to Galileo’s clever tactics) to defeat it in academic circles, had finally seen it come to grief against church power. So far, the story has yet to show much of a battle between Christianity and science. The church was brought into the debate by others; there was no inevitable clash. The clash that finally occurred demonstrates a collision between two worlds. Bellarmine, living in an old-world Aristotelian universe, was not prepared for the arguments of the new-world Galileo. Bellarmine saw no reason to change his belief that the Bible taught a stationary earth. At one point, he had asserted that given sufficient proof, he could change his mind about the Bible; but it was clear that he never considered an astronomer capable of giving proof weighty enough to challenge the Church fathers. (Remember, also, that Galileo did not have any proof in favour of his theory, he merely had arguments against the Aristotelian view.) The arguments were conducted on different terms. It so happened that Bellarmine held the power, so he won.

 The story doesn’t end there, because over the next decade and a half Galileo started publishing books again, got very popular again, and even had an old supporter get elected Pope (Urban VIII, that is). This Pope even granted him permission to write a full treatise on Copernican theory in 1624. The problem was, he used the occasion to totally lampoon his adversaries, even putting one of the Pope’s own ideas into the mouth of a character named “Simplicio”– an Aristotelian philosopher created for the purpose of mocking the old scientific ideas. It didn’t go over well at all, especially in the halls of political-religious power. Back he went to the Inquisition for another trial.

Birkett continues the story:

Galileo’s fall was more or less inevitable. It was inevitable because of the politics involved, not because of Christian antipathy to new learning. The Pope, the most powerful figure in Galileo’s final downfall, had nothing against the new science; he celebrated it and promoted it. What he objected to was that Galileo did not play the court game as he wanted him to. Galileo was sentenced as suspected of heresy. This was in many respects an unfair decision; Copernicanism had never been infallibly pronounced heretical…

He was never sent to prison, and his daughter (a nun) was granted permission to say the penitential psalms in his place. Was the Pope thereby admitting Galileo was not really guilty, just a scapegoat? Or were Galileo’s court connections still at work? Whatever the reason, Galileo spent the rest of his life working at home, under a type of house arrest, producing solid scientific treatises, but never again enjoying the glittering celebrity he once had.

A few Galileo legends need to be laid to rest. Galileo was never tortured by the Inquisition. The Pope alone, in his official statement concerning Galileo, said that Galileo should be made to abjure on threat of torture; yet this was never part of the judges’ sentence, and Galileo was never tortured nor shown the instruments of torture.

Seriously, all the details are very interesting, and I encourage you to print out the whole article to read it for yourself. In the next post we’ll get to why I wanted to do this series in the first place: to see the connections to discussions of science and faith in our own day.

Two Hymns for Saturday Morning…

I don’t know the author to the first. The second is written by Isaac Watts. Both are gold…

From ivied walls above the town
the prophets’ school is looking down,
And listening to the human din
from marts and streets and homes of men:
As Jesus viewed with yearning deep,
Jerusalem from Olive’s steep,
O, crucified and risen Lord,
Give tongues of fire to preach thy Word.

O Son of man, O Son of God!
Whose love bought all men by His blood,
Give us thy mind, thy soul’s desire,
Thy heart of love, thy tongue of fire
That we thy gospel may proclaim
to every man in thy great name!
O, crucified and risen Lord,
Give tongues of fire to preach thy Word

 

“Give Tongues of Fire”

O Spirit of the living God,
in all the fullness of thy grace,
where’er the foot of man hath trod,
descend on our apostate race.

Give tongues of fire and hearts of love,
to preach the reconciling word;
give power and unction from above,
whene’er the joyful sound is heard.

Be darkness, at thy coming, light;
confusion, order in thy path;
souls without strength inspire with might,
bid mercy triumph over wrath.

Baptize the nations; far and nigh
the triumph of the cross record;
the Name of Jesus glorify,
till every kindred call him Lord.

 

 

 

What the Bible Really Still Says…

I saw this post by Kevin DeYoung today and thought it was worth re-posting the whole thing here. This is right in line with much of what we discussed at out recent Forum on Homosexuality and the Gospel. You can download audio from that night here. (If the link comes up broken, try again later…we’re working on fixing it.) What DeYoung addresses here is the exact kind of reasoning that we’re going to keep hearing in conversations with people. And what he does in response is to display exactly the kind of careful reasoning we need to be able to display ourselves:   

On Tuesday afternoon, CNN ran an article on its Belief Blog by Catholic priest (sort of) Daniel Helminiak entitled “My Take: What the Bible really says about homosexuality.”  The article is amazing for including so many bad arguments in so little space. A quick trip through the piece will show you what I mean. Helminiak’s writing will be in bold and then my response will follow.

President Barack Obama’s support of same-sex marriage, like blood in the water, has conservative sharks circling for a kill. In a nation that touts separation of religion and government, religious-based arguments command this battle. Lurking beneath anti-gay forays, you inevitably find religion and, above all, the Bible.

We now face religious jingoism, the imposition of personal beliefs on the whole pluralistic society. Worse still, these beliefs are irrational, just a fiction of blind conviction. Nowhere does the Bible actually oppose homosexuality.

These two paragraphs perfectly depict how many see any Christian opposition to homosexuality or gay marriage. We are undercover (or not!) theocrats trying to impose our personal preferences on the rest of the country. But the charge of legislating our morality is not as simple as it sounds. For starters, the government legislates plenty of morality already—morality about killing, stealing, polluting and a thousand other things we’ve decided are bad for society or just plain wrong. Moreover, the arguments being made in favor of gay marriage are fundamentally about morality. That’s why you hear words like justice, love, and equality. Most gay marriage advocates are making their case based on moral categories, if not religious and biblical.

What’s more, the pro-gay marriage side would like to see the state reject a conjugal view of marriage in favor of a new, heretofore unknown, definition of marriage. And in insisting upon the state’s involvement, they want this new definition to be imposed on all. We may not all have to like gay marriage, but the government will tell us what marriage means whether we like it or not.

In the past 60 years, we have learned more about sex, by far, than in preceding millennia. Is it likely that an ancient people, who thought the male was the basic biological model and the world flat, understood homosexuality as we do today? Could they have even addressed the questions about homosexuality that we grapple with today? Of course not.

Here we have an example of progressive prejudice, the kind that assumes we have little to learn from the benighted masses who lived long ago. Whether they thought the world was flat has nothing to do with whether ancient people can teach us anything about sexuality. Such a tidbit is thrown in, it seems to me, as a rhetorical cue that these people were as dumb as doorknobs and can’t be trusted. More importantly, Helminiak distances himself from an orthodox understanding of biblical inspiration. Instead of approaching the Scriptures as the word of God, his first step is to position the Bible as a book by ancient people who don’t know all the things we know.

Hard evidence supports this commonsensical expectation. Taken on its own terms, read in the original languages, placed back into its historical context, the Bible is ho-hum on homosexuality, unless – as with heterosexuality – injustice and abuse are involved.

That, in fact, was the case among the Sodomites (Genesis 19), whose experience is frequently cited by modern anti-gay critics. The Sodomites wanted to rape the visitors whom Lot, the one just man in the city, welcomed in hospitality for the night.

 The Bible itself is lucid on the sin of Sodom: pride, lack of concern for the poor and needy (Ezekiel 16:48-49); hatred of strangers and cruelty to guests (Wisdom 19:13); arrogance (Sirach/Ecclesiaticus 16:8); evildoing, injustice, oppression of the widow and orphan (Isaiah 1:17); adultery (in those days, the use of another man’s property), and lying (Jeremiah 23:12).

But nowhere are same-sex acts named as the sin of Sodom. That intended gang rape only expressed the greater sin, condemned in the Bible from cover to cover: hatred, injustice, cruelty, lack of concern for others. Hence, Jesus says “Love your neighbor as yourself” (Matthew 19:19; Mark 12:31); and “By this will they know you are my disciples” (John 13:35).

How inverted these values have become! In the name of Jesus, evangelicals and Catholic bishops make sex the Christian litmus test and are willing to sacrifice the social safety net in return.

There is really only one argument in the foregoing paragraphs: the sin of Sodom was about social injustice not about sexual immorality. No doubt, there were many other sins involved, as Helminiak rightly observes. But there is no reason to think homosexuality per se wasn’t also to blame for Sodom’s judgment. For example, Jude 7 states that Sodom and Gomorrah and the surrounding cities “indulged in sexual immorality and pursued unnatural desire.” Even the NRSV, translation of choice for the mainline (and the version Helminiak seems to be using), says “pursued unnatural lust.” Clearly, the sins of Sodom lived in infamy not simply because of violent aggression or the lack of hospitality, but because men pursued sex with other men.

 The longest biblical passage on male-male sex is Romans 1:26-27: “Their women exchanged natural intercourse for unnatural, and in the same way also the men, giving up natural intercourse with women, were consumed with passion for one another.”

The Greek term para physin has been translated unnatural; it should read atypical or unusual. In the technical sense, yes, the Stoic philosophers did use para physin to mean unnatural, but this term also had a widespread popular meaning. It is this latter meaning that informs Paul’s writing. It carries no ethical condemnation.

Compare the passage on male-male sex to Romans 11:24. There, Paul applies the term para physin to God. God grafted the Gentiles into the Jewish people, a wild branch into a cultivated vine. Not your standard practice! An unusual thing to do — atypical, nothing more. The anti-gay “unnatural” hullabaloo rests on a mistranslation.

Besides, Paul used two other words to describe male-male sex: dishonorable (1:24, 26) and unseemly (1:27). But for Paul, neither carried ethical weight. In 2 Corinthians 6:8 and 11:21, Paul says that even he was held in dishonor — for preaching Christ. Clearly, these words merely indicate social disrepute, not truly unethical behavior.

This line of reasoning is also common among revisionists. There is little to say in its favor, however, and Helminiak’s argument—that para physin “carries no ethical condemnation”–is particularly weak.

1) He makes the rudimentary error of forgetting that words have a semantic range of meaning. Just because Paul used “against nature” or “dishonorable” in non-ethical settings (sort of), doesn’t mean those words and phrases cannot carry ethical weight in another context. It’s like suggesting that if FDR once said “this soup is terrible” and later said “what the Nazis are doing is terrible” that he couldn’t possibly mean anything more than “what the Nazis did was kind of strange and not my personal preference.”

 2) The context in Romans 1 tells us how to understand para physin. Paul has already explained how the unrighteous suppress the truth about God seen in nature and how they exchange the glory of the immortal God for images of created things. In both cases Paul contends that people believe a lie which prevents them from seeing things as they really are (1:25). Then in the very next verse he singles out homosexuality as “contrary to nature.” He is not thinking merely of things that are unusual, but of acts that violate the divine design and the ways things ought to be. For Paul, the biological complementarity of the male-female union is the obvious order of things. A male-male or female-female sexual pairing violates the anatomical and procreative design inherent in the one flesh union of a man and a woman. That Jewish writers of the period used comparable expressions to describe same-sex intercourse only confirms that this is what Paul meant by the construction.

3) Even more obviously, we know Paul considered same-sex intercourse an ethical violation, and not simply something uncommon, because of what he says in the very next sentence. Helminiak conveniently cuts off Paul’s thought halfway through verse 27. Notice what Paul goes on to say: “Men committed shameless acts with men and received in their own persons the due penalty for their error” (NRSV). When you read the whole verse, Helminiak’s “non-ethical” argument becomes implausible. Paul thought homosexuality not just unusual, but wrong, a sinful error deserving of a “due penalty.”

In this passage Paul is referring to the ancient Jewish Law: Leviticus 18:22, the “abomination” of a man’s lying with another man. Paul sees male-male sex as an impurity, a taboo, uncleanness — in other words, “abomination.” Introducing this discussion in 1:24, he says so outright: “God gave them up … to impurity.”

But Jesus taught lucidly that Jewish requirements for purity — varied cultural traditions — do not matter before God. What matters is purity of heart.

“It is not what goes into the mouth that defiles a person, but it is what comes out of the mouth that defiles,” reads Matthew 15. “What comes out of the mouth proceeds from the heart, and this is what defiles. For out of the heart come evil intentions, murder, adultery, fornication, theft, false witness, slander. These are what defile a person, but to eat with unwashed hands does not defile.”

Or again, Jesus taught, “Everyone who looks at a women with lust has already committed adultery with her in his heart” (Matthew 5:28). Jesus rejected the purity requirements of the Jewish Law. 

In calling it unclean, Paul was not condemning male-male sex. He had terms to express condemnation. Before and after his section on sex, he used truly condemnatory terms: godless, evil, wicked or unjust, not to be done. But he never used ethical terms around that issue of sex.

Helminiak’s argument seems to be: Paul said homosexuality was an impurity; Jesus set people free from the purity requirements of the Jewish law; therefore, homosexuality is not wrong. This reasoning is so specious that it’s hard to know where to begin. Jesus did recalibrate the purity laws, but Mark 7:19 makes clear that the episode in question was about declaring all foods clean. Jesus was not saying for a second that anything previously called “unclean” or “impure” was now no big deal. Helminiak again connects words in a facile manner, suggesting that because Jesus fulfilled certain aspects of the ceremonial code, now anything described with the language of impurity cannot be condemned. Nine times in his epistles Paul references “impurity” and it is always in the context of vice and immorality (Rom. 1:24; 6:19; 2 Cor. 12:21; Gal. 5:19; Eph. 4:19; 5:3; Col. 3:5; 1 Thess. 2:3; 4:7). Besides all this, Jesus explicitly lists “sexual immorality” (in the passage Helminiak quotes) as one of the things that defiles a person. The Greek word is porneia which refers to “unlawful sexual intercourse” (BDAG), especially, for the Jew, anything condemned by the Law of Moses.

It is simply not true that Paul, or Jesus for that matter, never considered homosexuality an ethical matter. To cite just one more example: in 1 Corinthians 6:9-10 and 1 Timothy 1:9-10 Paul uses a rare Greek word, arsenokoites, which is a compound from two words found in Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13. Paul thought the prohibition against homosexuality in the Old Testament was still relevant and the sin was still serious.

As for marriage, again, the Bible is more liberal than we hear today. The Jewish patriarchs had many wives and concubines. David and Jonathan, Ruth and Naomi, and Daniel and the palace master were probably lovers.

The Bible’s Song of Songs is a paean to romantic love with no mention of children or a married couple. Jesus never mentioned same-sex behaviors, although he did heal the “servant” — pais, a Greek term for male lover — of the Roman Centurion.

These are wild assertions without any corroborating evidence. Whatever one thinks of Leviticus 18 and 20 for today, it’s obvious that the Torah considered homosexual activity an abomination. It’s absurd to think that any ancient Israelite would have any celebrated David or Jonathan or Ruth or Naomi or Daniel if they were homosexual. It is the worst kind of special pleading and reader response to conclude against all exegetical, theological, and historical evidence that any of these Old Testament heroes were gay.

Likewise, there is no evidence to suggest that the centurion’s servant was his lover. The leading New Testament lexicon (BDAG) gives three definitions of pais: a young person, one’s own offspring, one who is in total obedience to another. If the word somehow means “male lover” in the Gospels, we need evidence greater than Helminiak’s bald assertion.

[I would add, as we saw in the Forum, that Jesus was actually more conservative on the issue of marriage than both the bare allowances of theMosaic law in the Old Testament and the prevailing religious and cultural norms of the time. If you read the gospels, this is simply beyond dispute. See, for instance Matthew 19:1-11. –Brian)

Paul discouraged marriage because he believed the world would soon end. Still, he encouraged people with sexual needs to marry, and he never linked sex and procreation.

Were God-given reason to prevail, rather than knee-jerk religion, we would not be having a heated debate over gay marriage. “Liberty and justice for all,” marvel at the diversity of creation, welcome for one another: these, alas, are true biblical values.

The link between sex and procreation did not have to be articulated by Paul because it was already assumed. God’s design from the beginning had been one man and one woman coming together as one flesh. This design is reaffirmed throughout Scripture, not least of all by Jesus (Matt. 19:4-6) and by Paul (Eph. 5:31). An important aspect of this union is the potential blessing of children. The prophet Malachi made clear that procreation is one of the aims of marriage when he said about a husband and wife, “Did he not make them one, with a portion of the Spirit in their union? And what was the one God seeking? Godly offspring” (Mal. 2:15).

None of this proves the case against gay marriage as a government injunction (though that case can be made as well). What careful attention to the Bible does show is that the revisionists do not have a Scriptural leg to stand on. From the first chapter of the Bible to the Law of Moses to the New Testament, there is no hint that homosexuality is acceptable behavior for God’s people and every indication that it is a serious sin.

This is why I appreciate the candor of honest pro-gay advocates like Luke Timothy Johnson:

 The task demands intellectual honesty. I have little patience with efforts to make Scripture say something other than what it says, through appeals to linguistic or cultural subtleties. The exegetical situation is straightforward: we know what the text says…I think it important to state clearly that we do, in fact, reject the straightforward commands of Scripture, and appeal instead to another authority when we declare that same-sex unions can be holy and good. And what exactly is that authority? We appeal explicitly to the weight of our own experience and the experience thousands of others have witnessed to, which tells us that to claim our own sexual orientation is in fact to accept the way in which God has created us. By so doing, we explicitly reject as well the premises of the scriptural statements condemning homosexuality-namely, that it is a vice freely chosen, a symptom of human corruption, and disobedience to God’s created order.

Of course, I disagree with Johnson’s approach to the authority of Scripture and his liberal deference to experience. But I commend him for acknowledging what should be plain: the Bible really really calls homosexuality a sin. A sin that can be forgiven in Christ like a million other sins, and a sin that can be fought against by the power of the Holy Spirit, but still a sin. That’s what the Bible says. And as the CNN article demonstrates, it takes a lot of contorted creativity to make it say something else. 

Did the Church Persecute Galileo? A Discussion of Science & Faith, Part 7

This is part 7 in a series, using an article by Kirsten Birkett tracing the historical flow of Galileo’s run in with the church. So far we’ve seen how complicated the whole story is, and today we’re ready to answer the question: Why did the Catholic Church set itself against Galileo and his findings?

As Birkett explains, a certain group of people who Galileo had made enemies of banded together and then drew on church officials who were disgruntled with him as well. This “Liga” (as it was known) began to publicly accuse Galileo of contradicting the Bible, “creating popular suspicion against Galileo in order to catch the attention of the church authorities.”

 It was an unfair move, and it is possible to speculate that without this deliberate opposition Galileo’s trial may never had happened. Theologians had traditionally allowed philosophers space in which to develop ideas. The medieval church was not Orwell’s Big Brother. Philosophical speculation and discussion was the province, and lifeblood, of the universities, and though the church secured the boundaries of admissible doctrine it did not normally dictate what could be discussed. The church was not out to silence Galileo. Indeed, Galileo’s telescopic discoveries had been accepted and endorsed by Jesuit astronomers when he travelled to Rome in 1611: he was not without church support.

But then things got hairy for Galileo. He got called out in a court debate (at which he wasn’t present) and wrote a letter in response defending his ideas. The issue: did the idea of a moving earth contradict scripture? The “Liga” picked up the letter and sent it to the Inquisition. Then one of their members traveled to Rome to personally denounce him. He was called before the inquisition and faced a trial before a powerful Cardinal named Bellarmine.

Unfortunately for Galileo, he had already publiclay offended Bellarmine by writing several treatises essentialy educating theologians in theology(so that they would leave him alone). In one of the pieces, he confronted Bellarmine head on by using Augustine as his authority. This was a problem for several reasons, as Birkett explains:

Cardinal Bellarmine, a Jesuit, had spent his life fighting Protestantism…He was a polemicist, not a speculative philosopher, and though he was intellectually quite capable of understanding Galileo’s arguments he was used to making definitive judgments in the ‘life and death’ battle against heresy. He had spent his life fighting Protestants who claimed freedom to interpret the Bible as they wished…

Galileo’s treatise challenged Bellarmine on his own ground, which was hardly tactful. Galileo quoted extensively from Augustine as part of his argument, in the confident tone of a professional. Bellarmine, a serious patristic scholar, would have known far more about Augustine’s view of Scripture than Galileo could, and would hardly have taken kindly to Galileo instructing him in what Augustine said. To make it worse, Galileo could not, or did not, hold back his sarcastic wit. He lampooned theologians as narrow-minded—not a good idea when Bellarmine was one of them.

The matter had become official, and was dealt with quickly. Galileo came to Rome, and the matter of Copernican theory was considered by a panel of theologians for a brief three days.

This series is getting long… We’ll have to find a way to wrap it up soon. Let me know if it’s been worthwhile to you to go through it slowly like this, and if this type of thing interests you.

In the next couple posts we’ll wrap up what happened with Galileo and take a look at Birkett’s very applicable observations about what we can learn from his story.